Michael Anbar Ph.D.
Several peace initiatives are currently floating. These are the Ayalon -Nusseibeh proposal, Yossi Beilin’s “Geneva accord,” and evidently, the State Department’s “Roadmap”. The Ayalon - Nusseibeh initiative, which is a variation on the Taba initiative of 2000, is just as flawed, and so is evidently Beilin’s “Geneva accord”. Both these “plans” have recently received the blessings of the US State Department, which must consider them complementary to its own “Roadmap”. However, none of those plans guarantees the security of Israel, in addition to implying uprooting tens of thousands of Jewish civilians while giving in to illusionary Arab demands. Moreover, making concessions to the PLO, implied in each of these plans, would encourage them, as well as other terrorist organizations, to intensify their terror campaigns against Israel and the United States.
Consequently, I would like to present here a realistic alternative solution to the conflict. This “outside of the box” solution has many significant advantages over the plans cited above. This solution is likely to be acceptable to both Israelis and Palestinians except for extremists on both sides. The essence of my ideas appeared under the title “An alternative to the "Geneva Accord" in the October 24, 2003 issue of Israel Insider. Another, somewhat longer version titled “An Alternative to the Geneva Initiative,” has appeared as the feature article in the November 2003 issue of the Israel Hasbara Committee bulletin. Let me present my suggested plan in greater detail, comparing it with other political alternatives and analyzing its pros and cons.
We will start with the basic assumption that in no practical scenario will the Israelis expel the Palestinians from their villages and towns, and that the Arab desire to eliminate the State of Israel by attrition (i.e., terror) or by a major military assault will never materialize. Just as non-realistic is consent of the Israeli Jews to live in their ancient homeland as a political minority in a country dominated by Muslims. In other words, the solution must be a two-state solution.
The recently unveiled "Geneva
Accord" will never work, and neither will the Ayalon-Nuseibeh plan. For such a
plan to be acceptable to Israel, the proposed new Arab state must
have limited sovereignty. The entwined geography of the proposed new Arab state
alongside Israel mandates that the Palestinian state be demilitarized, have
limited control of its airspace, have limitations on the entry and exit of
people, have limited rights to form alliances with other countries, and be
economically extremely dependent on the State of Israel for many decades to
come. In addition, there are the cardinal problems of dividing the sovereignty
over the ancient Jewish capital of Jerusalem, the Arab acceptance of Jewish
communities in Palestinian sovereign territory, the “right of return” of the
descendents of the 1948 Arab refugees, and the awkward non-contiguity of the
Gaza Strip in the proposed Palestinian state. Arafat’s PLO may accept most of
these restrictions for a while, just as they did in 1993, but only
in order to gain more ground that will be used to eventually try to dislodge the
Jewish state by a combination of renewed terrorism, international political
pressure, and military assault.
Even if the Palestinians gave
up on their "right of return," which is not very likely, the implementation of
any of those “accords” would continue to ferment Arab dissatisfaction, which
undoubtedly would be exploited by extramural Arabs to continue to undermine the
existence of the Jewish state by incessant terrorism. Such terrorism would
continue, even in the unlikely event of the PLO dismantled by force competing
radical terrorist organizations, such as Hammas and Islamic Jihad, as required
by the "Roadmap to Peace." There is little doubt that the “Conquest” (“Fatah” in
Arabic) terrorist movement would sprout daughter terrorist organizations such as
the “Al-Aqsa Brigades,” which is officially financially supported by the PA, or
the “”Armed Resistance Committees” that were responsible for the recent
murderous attack on the American Convoy near Beit Hannon in the Gaza Strip. We
saw similar behavior of continued violence in Northern Ireland perpetrated by
splinter groups of the IRA, in spite of a political settlement. Continued
Islamic terrorism in Kashmir is another example. In brief, neither party would
be satisfied. The Palestinian Arabs will not get full political independence, on
top of having to give up formally their dream of eradicating the
Jewish state, while the Israelis will still face terrorism along a hardened but
still permeable long border.
Is there an alternative suggestion? How can one stop
the bloodshed and the deterioration of the economy in Israel? How could one
eliminate Arab terrorism and improve the atrocious living conditions of the
Palestinian Arabs?
I suggest a separate and sustainable
coexistence of a predominantly Jewish state and a viable entirely
independent Arab state. I suggest the establishment of an autonomous,
independent Palestinian state in the Gaza Strip, with a possible increase of its
area from 360 to say, 600 square kilometers. At the same time, all other PA
territories west of the Jordan would be annexed to the state of Israel.
All Palestinians, including
those in refugee camps in Lebanon and Syria, will automatically become citizens
of the new Palestinian state. However, Arab inhabitants of the "West Bank"
territory will be offered full Israeli citizenship pending their
acceptance of Israeli nationality (i.e. analogously to naturalized American
citizens, they will be required to swear exclusive allegiance to the laws of the
democratic State of Israel). Militant religious or nationalistic Arabs amongst
them will have the option to remain citizens of the independent Palestinian
state of Gaza, whether they move there physically or not. If they choose to stay
within the borders of Israel as alien residents, they would have to obey all
laws of the land, except for service in the armed forces, but have no voting
rights. If such alien residents break the law they may be deported to the
Palestinian state (again, as is provided in the US law for resident aliens who
would be deported to their country of origin).
While Arab “administrative” detainees will be released, Palestinian Arabs residing in the annexed territories, suspected of lethal terrorist activities in the past, will be detained; if found guilty in a criminal court they would serve appropriate jail sentences in Israeli jails. This would also apply to Palestinian political leaders who ordered indiscriminate lethal terrorist raids against Israeli civilians.
Immigration of Muslims from other countries into the State of Israel would be limited, however, to maintain a demographic balance (similarly to the immigration quotas that used to be enforced in the US). Immigration of Jews will also be controlled, mainly by economic considerations and to keep criminals out, except for Jewish victims of religious or ethnic persecution.
My suggestion offers the Arabs a
politically and economically viable Palestinian state, while offering Israel its
required long-term security and alleviation of the Islamistic demographic
threat.
Let us analyze the features of this suggestion:
1. The historical geopolitical
position of Gaza at the crossroad of three continents lends itself to becoming
again a commercial and industrial city-state, similar to Singapore or Hong Kong.
There is enough land in the Gaza Strip in its current size for a large
population with a flourishing economy. The population density in the Gaza Strip
is currently 3542 people per square kilometer. Economically flourishing
Singapore and Hong Kong have 6667 and 6767 people per square kilometer,
respectively. However, the GDP in Gaza is $600 per capita, compared with $24,000
and $26,000 in Singapore and Hong Kong, respectively (the statistics are from
the 2003 World Fact Book of the U.S. CIA).
Moreover, unlike Hong Kong and
Singapore, the Gaza Strip has commercially valuable natural gas reserves and
possibly also oil. Also, the coast of the Strip with its wide beaches could
compete for North European Tourists with the French Riviera and the Spanish Gold
Coast, as well as with Israel’s Eilat. The Port of Gaza could compete with
Alexandria as a cruse terminal for the Eastern Mediterranean, similar to Dubai.
Finally, if it became a democracy, free of despotic rule, the new Palestinian
state in Gaza could provide financial services for the whole Middle East as well
as Europe, taking over the role of Beirut, which has lost its prominent
international financial status under the suppressive dictatorial rule of
Damascus.
2. Using the 2003 CIA figures,
there are at present 1.26 million Arabs in the Gaza Strip and this population
could double or triple, given the appropriate political and economic incentives.
Adding 240 square kilometers to the Gaza Strip could economically support
additional two million people who could live very comfortably in the new
commercial-industrial Arab country. The new Palestinian state could, therefore,
readily absorb all the Palestinians in Lebanon and Syria who are currently
deprived of all civil right.
3. The Gaza Strip does not pose
an insurmountable military threat to the state of Israel (even if annexed by
Egypt, which is not very likely, or even if Egypt or another Arab country sends
hostile troops there). In any case, Israel must maintain its military strength
to confront potential aggression from any Arab country in the region or a
combination of such.
4. The border between Israel and the Palestinian
state may be completely open to commerce (free trade) and to licensed temporary
non-resident workers, or it may be hermetically sealed, depending on the
political relationship between the two independent countries.
5. On the "West Bank" there are 1.68 million Muslims;
while within Israel there are today 905,000 Muslim citizens (US CIA data). Thus
if Israel annexed the West Bank, it would include approximately 2.6 million
Muslims and more than 5 million Jews plus over 700,000 others. Even if all these
Muslims chose Israeli citizenship, they would constitute less than a third of
the Israeli electorate. Therefore, the fear of a demographic takeover of the
State of Israel by Islamists would be unfounded, especially as the Muslim birth
rate is likely to decrease dramatically once their dismal economic conditions
improve. The GDP of the Arabs on the "West Bank" is today <$800 per capita
compared with >$19,000 of Israelis (this figure includes the GDP of 1.2 million
non-Jewish Israeli citizens!) Besides, the State of Israel will outlaw militant
radical Islamism, just as it outlawed militant radical Judaism, i.e., Rabbi
Kahane’s followers.
The new Israeli Muslim citizens
would have plenty of incentives to improve their standard of living rather than
sacrifice their livelihood to violent, religion-motivated illusions. The
experience of the last decade must have taught them that hatred and terrorism do
not improve the standard of living, except for that of the corrupt terrorist
leadership. Given a free choice, there is little doubt that the new Israeli Arab
citizens will adopt Western democratic values and abandon militant Islam.
Israeli Muslims will have to
make the same choice Muslims must make in Italy, Germany, Scandinavia, the
Netherlands, Canada or the USA. Notwithstanding potential abuses by unscrupulous
local politicians, if members of Muslim minorities chose to join militant
international Islamism to the detriment of their host countries, they would be
crushed and expelled. No country will tolerate an ethnic or religious minority
that tries to undermine its regime.
This proposed solution would
alleviate terrorism while allowing Jews and Arabs to coexist in peace and
prosperity in two truly independent states. Terrorism cannot be sustained
without the active support of a large segment of the population as well as hefty
extramural financial support. Consequently, Arab terrorism will not be
maintained in Israel, just as it has not been committed by the overwhelming
majority of the current Muslim citizens of Israel, over the last fifty-five
years.
Most importantly, while this proposed political solution will allow the Jews in Israel to maintain a separate and sustainable existence as an ethical, democratic society, it will also allow the "Palestinians" in the Gaza Strip to maintain a social and political structure of their choice under entirely unrestricted conditions.
Let us analyze the pros and cons of this suggested solution. First, the pros:
Cons:
Naturally, I am biased in favor of my proposed plan. Consequently, I may have overlooked some disadvantages of this plan. I will be glad to receive and respond to objective, constructive criticism. Open-mindedness to criticism is a major advantage of Western culture over current Islam. I do believe that a major reform in Islam, making it compatible with Western civilization, is going to occur still in the 21st Century, because it is way overdue. However, the Arab-Israeli conflict cannot wait for this to happen. Therefore, my suggested alternative political solution to the current peace initiatives, including the “Roadmap to Peace”, warrants serious consideration.
November 11, 2003